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Thursday, 26 July 2007

A United States of Africa is a useless dream by Tanonoka Hwande!

A United States of Africa is a useless dream

Tuesday 17 July 2007

By Tanonoka Joseph Whande

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GABORONE - Muammar Gaddafi is an angry man. He is impatient and frustrated. He cannot understand why Africans are so slow in accepting a United States of Africa.

Gaddafi hopes to be both midwife and father to a predictably stillborn fantasy. I sympathise.


Gaddafi denounced the African Union as an ineffective and useless organization. For once, I agree with him. But he can go hang!


There is so much talk, mainly from Gaddafi himself, about establishing a ‘United States of Africa’ and Gaddafi dreams of leading such a ‘state.’


It was Kwame Nkrumah’s dream too.

But that was when Africa was inhabited by humble, complying Africans. Not anymore.


If the champions of a proposed unitary African state are the seasoned and proven dictators of the likes of Muammar Gaddafi, please stop the world because I want to get off. And I am not the only one.


I will tell you something here and now. There is no way I would accept Gaddafi as leader. Actually, I feel sorry for the Libyans who continue to suffer under his despotic rule just as much as some Libyans feel sorry for us suffering under Robert ‘Pol Pot’ Mugabe.


Some people are just not made out to be leaders. And, have you noticed, it’s always the dictators who want to champion people’s ‘freedom.’


Before we can talk about this subject, let us, please, take note of paramount issues that need to be taken into consideration. There is just too much work that needs to be done before we can talk about a unitary African state.


To begin with, who are the leaders we would put forward to lead such a unitary state? Do we have an African who can look at Africa without seeing borders? We don’t need pretenders like Kofi Annan, people who are bent on pleasing certain sectors at the expense of others.


Second, we have to work on a constitution that does not take anything away from the people. Freedom of worship, for example, is not negotiable.


Third, African nations themselves are heavily polarised internally. There is tribal discontent as some ruling leaders put their tribes above others. There is tribal strife and inequality in many countries like Ethiopia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, and others.


Would Botswana’s Basarwa have elevated status in a United States of Africa? And the pygmies? Would they enjoy equal status with the rest?


In Sudan, Bashir allows black people to be enslaved by light-skinned Arabs, what will black people elsewhere think?


What will Africa’s continental government do about supposedly small internal conflicts in individual nation states (Basarwa in Botswana, Caprivians in Namibia, the Shangaani and the San in Zimbabwe, etc)?


What will we do about western Morocco, which the Polisario Front already calls the Saharawi Arab Republic? How can we unite when we are embroiled in border disputes?


How does a fragmented nation become part of a whole?


In addition to tribal loyalties, African nations were polarised during colonial times so much that we now mostly dwell on our differences and not our similarities.


How much influence will petrol dollars have on poorer African countries?

Where will equality come from? Or, maybe, first, we might need to define what an ‘African’ is. You will be surprised to find that there is no such thing, in real terms, except “a person from Africa, especially a black person.”


Consider, too, that the name Africa is itself not even ‘African’. Africa or Africana “refers more or is connected more to especially southern Africa.”


Semantics, yes, but still, there appears to be nothing we all have in common except residing on the same continent. And that’s not enough. But I wonder, if Gaddafi and Mubarak are Africans, am I an African too?


But it’s not a question of geography. Being African means more than being on the same continent with someone.

It is a way of life.


Morocco spends more time pursuing membership in the European Union than worrying about the African Union although it is also a member of the Arab League. May I please call such indecisiveness ‘bilateral prostitution’?


I do admit, though, that the African Union, like Gaddafi says, is a sterile group meant to cover up for the excesses of African despots like Gaddafi himself. He is frustrated that Africans don’t want to cede authority to him.


And Mr Kuffuor has my sympathies because the African Union he leads has nothing to do with ‘African’ unity or welfare of Africans. Before Africa and its ‘Africans’ start thinking about a unitary state, they should first identify themselves and clear the dense political forests in every African country.


They should first remove local political cobwebs that interfere with the running of even villages. I am a pitch black African and, owing to the colour of my skin, am a potential slave for Bashir, Mubarak and Gaddafi.


The Arabs assisted the whites and took part in the slave trade. Oh, this has nothing to do with reconciliation. If it has, why is it that the victims are always the ones expected to reach out and reconcile?


Okay, then. Let us start with southern Africa. Let’s start with SADC. Who would we vote for to lead the southern part of the continent or Africa itself? Mbeki? Don’t laugh, this is not a comedy.


Mugabe? God have mercy! Mogae? Why? Dos Santos? Dos who? Levy Mwanawasa? Hifikepunye Pohamba? Bingu Mutharika, King Mswati? Stop shaking your heads so vigorously.


These ‘leaders’ are all we have. All of them, except one, are very uninspiring, I know, and it is a mystery why they are leaders of their respective nations.
Move further up north then and you find murderers and slave traders. There is Museveni, the lackadaisical Kibaki, the charlatan Yar’Adua and many hardly democratic leaders.


Is Africa’s best in Cameroon, Sierra Leone, Mali, Equatorial Guinea or Tanzania? For goodness sake, where are African leaders? Don’t be fooled. Africa’s fortunes will not improve by uniting.


Why should we unite anyway? And under what banner? I want to keep my identity. My religion will be under threat too, given a particular religion’s propensity for intolerance.


We are different and all we can do is support each other’s cause, if need be. I am not going to unite with slave traders or with those Arabs and Indians who find racism even in religion.


There is absolutely no way that would find me looking at Qaddafi as Africa’s leader. Gaddafi should stop abusing money from national coffers to promote his idea. Even if the idea were to mature, he would not be the leader.


He is never going to rule Africa the continent. Gaddafi, like Morocco, should channel his energies to Europe and the League of Arab states, taking Israel in between. A united states of Africa is not going to be a child of Africa’s dictators, especially dictators like Qaddafi who are in the forefront.


It is all very well to be united. But it is not mandatory to be united with people who do not share your vision.


What does Gaddafi wish for Botswana? In Zimbabwe, he took some of our land and farms in exchange for petrol. Botswana must make sure your elephants remain here.


I fear that our intention to unite is being hi-jacked by ill-meaning peoples who have no allegiance either to us or to our continent. When we unite, we give up part of our objectives in acknowledgment of our colleagues.

It has to do with faith. Unity is compromise and when we compromise, none of us get what we wanted in the first place. Our wishes are replaced with trust, hope and promises.


I now hear about unity, as in a ‘United States of Africa.’ Unity does not mean stupidity on the part of black Africans.

*Tanonoka Joseph Whande is a Botswana-based Zimbabwean writer.

Sunday, 08 July 2007

"A REVOLUTION THAT HAS LOST ITS WAY!" Crisford Chogugudza.

A revolution that has lost its way
By Crisford Chogugudza
THE Zimbabwean political puzzle is one of the most intriguing in contemporary African politics today.
What started in earnest as a liberation project for disenfranchised and brutalised people has turned into one of the most demonic tyrannical nightmares in recent memory.
In 1980, when Zimbabwe obtained its independence from Britain, there was a lot of hope that the country would prosper and become one of Africa's leading economic jewels.
This was never going to materialise courtesy of the self-proclaimed Marxist Robert Mugabe and his ultra-loyalists.
The fallen heroes of Zimbabwe, including Joshua Nkomo, Herbert Chitepo, Eddison Zvobgo, Ndabaningi Sithole, Josiah Tongogara, Jason Moyo, Lookout Masuku and Nikita Mangena, to name a few, must be wondering what has happened to the struggle they dedicated their selfless efforts to.
If a leadership is incapable of feeding and valuing the lives of its own people irrespective of political affiliation, then it does not deserve to represent the people.
The fast-deteriorating socio-economic status of Zimbabweans at home today is clear testimony that the revolution is coming to an end.
Today in Zimbabwe marks the beginning of the end of an era for Zanu PF and its opportunistic mantra on land reform.
The big question is: will Zanu PF fall without a fight and at what cost?
Ten to 15 years following Independence in Zimbabwe, Mugabe suddenly changed political course and intensified his rhetoric to the West against the background of fast-deteriorating grassroots support as a consequence of years of economic malaise and political mess.
Cronyism, corruption, suppression of the media and civil liberties became the order of the day. The rule of law became a luxury that the Zanu PF party and government could not afford.
The emotive land issue suddenly became Mugabe's trump card against the opposition and the gullible peasants. His opportunistic hijacking of the land issue cannot be justified but nevertheless, he has used it as an effective political tool to reinvent himself and galvanise his dwindling support.
It is only in Zimbabwe the world over where ironically the octogenarian leadership thinks they have the capacity to extricate the people from deep-rooted poverty.
While the majority of Zimbabweans support land reform, not many support the chaotic land reform of the Zanu PF type which has brought more suffering than solutions.
The major beneficiaries of this chaotic land reform are Zanu PF bigwigs, their closest associates and zealots of the kongonya/nhora dance fame.
Today many Zimbabweans are suffering in a country that once had a tremendous economic potential to outstage all other African countries in the sub-Saharan region outside South Africa.
Some analysts have said that the revival of Zimbabwe's economy will not be conceivable as long as Mugabe and Zanu PF are allowed to impose their will on powerless Zimbabweans.
The international community including multilateral finance institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the International Finance Corporation and the Africa Development Bank will not support any economy that is run in a mafia style where the inflation rate has reached the stratosphere.
History has taught us that economic performance and the standard of life in general have improved in those African countries that are in transition from ultra-nationalist dictatorships to reformist liberal democracies.
The opposition which once had a huge potential to change the political landscape in Zimbabwe is gradually fading into political oblivion.
The leaders of the fractious opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party need to get their act together, repackage themselves and fight elections as a united front. There is no substitute for unity or coalition in next year's elections.
It appears there are miscalculated perceptions from the mainstream MDC (Tsvangirai) faction that it can go it alone. But the perceived Zanu PF demise may not work to its favour as the faction needs 30-40% support from the MDC (Mutambara) camp to have an effect on Zanu PF, let alone win elections.
Arthur Mutambara appears to have compromised his candidature to allow Morgan Tsvangirai to be the sole opposition presidential candidate under the banner of a united opposition for the sake of freedom in Zimbabwe.
Mutambara's extra-ordinary gesture of tolerance, flexibility and humility can only be found in great men who put country first before individual as did Joshua Nkomo in 1987.
Many who attended the Save Zimbabwe campaign rally in Dunstable, UK, recently were surprised that Mutambara did not address them alongside Tsvangirai although he was in the United Kingdom at the same time. What a sad story.
The story of perpetual opposition failure to dislodge Kenya's strongman Daniel arap Moi in the 1990s should not be forgotten.
It is a fact that the current state of the economy will be a major factor in galvanising a formidable Tsvangirai/Mutambara political onslaught which is the best strategy for confronting Mugabe and Zanu PF at next year's elections.
The people of Zimbabwe will have a clear choice between starvation and humiliation under the moribund Zanu PF regime as opposed to hope, revival and prosperity under a rebranded, united MDC opposition effort.
Under the current economic dispensation, I do not see how Zanu PF can win any free and fair election in Zimbabwe. They will be lucky to get 30% of the vote share but of course Zimbabweans know what the old man is capable of doing: manipulation of elections in his favour.
Some have asked about Mugabe's position after freedom. The people of Zimbabwe must decide what to do with him.
There is no denying that the beleaguered leader was instrumental in bringing Independence and was the power behind a lot of social successes in Zimbabwe, including improved education where the literacy rate is the highest in Africa at 90,7%.
The old man needs to bargain for his future immunity in return for voluntarily relinquishing power sooner.
It is widely assumed that Mugabe would want to go if he is assured of amnesty from prosecution for crimes against humanity. If this is true, a deal of some sort may need to be struck between Mugabe and the fractured political opposition in Zimbabwe towards that direction.
It appears Mugabe cannot realise that he has outlived his sell-by-date and that the people no longer have any faith in him. He has become the greatest liability in Zimbabwean politics today.
Ironically, the man has become very powerful and getting rid of him is no mean business.
It is worrying that removing him through democratic means (elections) has not worked because he manipulates the election machinery to his advantage every time.
He has politicised and militarised virtually all social institutions and an election victory against him needs changes of seismic proportions to succeed.
Removing him by military means is not an option either, let alone a viable option looking at the mess that was created in Iraq, and in any case the generality of the African leaders and their peaceful people would oppose this.
The only option remaining now for Mugabe's ouster is to negotiate with him and his most influential southern neighbour and ally, South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, that is if 2008 elections fail to achieve that objective.
Most importantly, if the West is prepared to build bridges with Libya, Iran, North Korea and Syria, I see no reason why they cannot do the same with Zimbabwe strongman Mugabe.
Any efforts to negotiate with Mugabe should be based on the principle of liberating a community in perpetual fear and without hope.
Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair's policy on Zimbabwe was a disaster of grotesque proportions and unfortunately most Western leaders concurred with Blair's failed foreign policy and this created a stalemate on peace overtures in Zimbabwe.
Hopefully, new British Prime Minister Gordon Brown will adopt a better, more focused, realistic and effective foreign policy on Zimbabwe.
It is not clear whether the current Mbeki-brokered talks between Zanu PF and the MDC will yield any significant results enough to change the course of the succession debate at State House.
The danger of not engaging Mugabe now is that more people in Zimbabwe will starve and die as there is no hope of him relinquishing power like Blair without excessive pressure.
In the absence of new political initiatives to negotiate a political settlement to bring sanity and a semblance of socio-economic normality, Zimbabweans will have to wait until Mugabe falls dead before there can be any real change in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is at a critical period of a once promising revolution that has dismally failed a whole generation of our people.
* Crisford Chogugudza is a Zimbabwean writing from the UK.


 
 

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ZIMBABWE HAS FINALLY COLLAPSED!

Zimbabwe Collapses
Published:Jul 08, 2007

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  • Shop owners arrested as Mugabe unleashes new wave of terror
  • Marauding police gangs profiteer from price controls
  • State hardliners threaten to nationalise businessesZimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has ordered the dreaded war veterans, youth militia and Zanu-PF Women's League to help enforce price cuts and stem the country's descent into chaos.
    As Zimbabwe faced complete meltdown, state radio summoned the brutal militias to Zanu-PF headquarters so they could provide back-up for police and secret agents.
    Mugabe's order to businesses to cut the price of goods by 50% triggered mass stampedes, panic buying and near-riots by Zimbabweans.
    Economists and political observers are now warning that fuel, the price of which was cut in half on Friday, will run out by midweek and that there will be major food shortages by Friday.
    In his desperate clinging to power, Mugabe threatened businesses with nationalisation if they did not comply with his price cut. More than 200 businessmen, including company directors, were arrested for price violations.
    A Harare hardware store owner, who asked not to be identified, told how police forced him to reduce the price of cement from Z1.3-million to Z150000 a bag before buying up all 800 bags , according to Zimbabwesituation.com.
    Other stores reported similar incidents.
    Yesterday in Harare there was chaos in most shops and fast-food outlets as people scrambled to buy food.
    "I have been here since morning trying to buy food for my family. There is nothing in the shops and the children are crying from hunger at home," Kelvin Gara said. "I think we are heading for disaster."
    Economists and political analysts are saying that Zimbabwe — in economic and political free- fall for seven years — has finally reached the end of the road.
    John Robertson, an economist, told The Times of London: "This is going to be a very short honeymoon. There will be no fuel to be had anywhere in the country by the middle of next week. That will bring an end to all business activity. A shutdown of the entire country is coming. In a week's time, people are going to be struggling to find food."
    Mugabe's former spokesman, Jonathan Moyo, said the Harare regime was now facing the political exit doors. He said Mugabe might be consumed by spontaneous mass protests triggered by the economic implosion or defeated in next year's critical elections.
    "By taking this approach, Mugabe is confirming to all and sundry that his regime has come to the end of the road," Moyo said.
    "He is now unable to govern without resorting to misplaced revolutionary and political heroics, preposterous propaganda and Gestapo tactics. But this won't work."
    Even a prominent political analyst who is part of the Zanu-PF intelligentsia, Dr Ibbo Mandaza, predicted that Mugabe would be forced out of office by September by the economic crisis.
    Most people, except the rich who import food, are no longer able to have breakfast because there is no bread, sugar, tea, milk, butter, cereal and other basic foodstuffs to be bought.
    Reuters reported that South African-owned Edgars stores, the country's leading clothing retailer, halved its prices yesterday. There were stampedes at Edgars stores after the news was announced.
    The price cuts were announced after the prices of many goods tripled within a week.
    Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate was last reported to be 4500% in May, but many economists believe the figure is about 10000%. Official statistics are no longer released.
    The Zimbabwean government on Friday rushed through a law legalising the price cuts after lawyers challenged its actions.
    Addressing Zanu-PF supporters on Friday, Mugabe insisted the policy was not illegal because "people are starving" due to price escalations. He warned that his government would seize factories that stop production and run them.
    Mugabe also told meetings of Zanu-PF's central committee on Friday and National Consultative Assembly yesterday that the price cuts were designed to deal with businesses that wanted to topple his regime through economic pressure.
    He said price hikes were calculated to ensure he was defeated in next year's elections.
    But Zanu-PF is not united on the issue. While hardliners — said to be in the majority — are in favour of the move and want it extended so that they can nationalise private businesses, others, including Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, have condemned it as suicidal.
    The South African government, which has maintained a policy of quiet diplomacy on Zimbabwe, refused to comment on the deteriorating situation yesterday.
    But South Africa's Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad acknowledged on Thursday that South Africa was "concerned that the economic situation is not in the interest of the people of Zimbabwe".

  • Friday, 06 July 2007

    W.O.Z.A. WRITE "OPEN LETTER" TO PRESIDENT THABO MBEKI!!!

    Open Letter to President Thabo Mbeki
    June 25, 2007
    Posted by admin
    No Responses
    His Excellency Mr M W Makalima
    The Ambassador
    The South African Embassy
    HARARE
    Your Excellency,
    Talking about TALKS – WOZA/MOZA's view – ten steps to a new Zimbabwe.
    WOZA has been reading and hearing about 'the talks' and wish to express our views about these. We ask that you kindly relay this letter to President Thabo Mbeki.
    Women and men of WOZA have initiated a non-violent campaign with the aim of mobilising Zimbabweans to demand social justice from their leaders. Our mandate is to hold leaders accountable and mobilise people to demand leaders who will deliver all aspects of social justice and a genuinely people-driven constitution. We will not vote in an election without the latter.
    As we deliver this letter, Zimbabweans are living in a state of fear and uncertainty. They suffer discrimination in all its forms and are unable to earn a living. Levels of poverty are high; unemployment is at 82% and inflation at four figures. Non-existent service delivery also makes life difficult. Access to education, housing and other basic needs is now only for the rich.
    The HIV/AIDS pandemic, which has created thousands of orphans and child-headed households, is a social catastrophe compounded by a failed healthcare system and little or no access to ARVs. Further loss of valuable human resources is happening due to people leaving the country in large numbers. People have been unsuccessful at holding their government accountable due to a raft of repressive laws and shrinking freedom of expression/media space. Corruption at all levels of government and the politicisation of all aspects of society has led to chaos and disorganization in every sector.
    We believe that only including politicians in the SADC initiative will perpetuate the problem rather than deliver a solution. We have an alternate view, which we drew up after consulting widely with our membership, and have attached it below – '10 Steps to a New Zimbabwe'.
    We would like to know what mandate South Africa has from SADC? What do Presidents Mbeki and Kikwete wish to achieve by this mediation? We are hopeful that they wish to bring about a new government AND assist this new government to bring about meaningful political, economic and social reform. We wish to suggest that for the South African government to establish itself as a genuine mediator, it would need to secure the cooperation of the present Zimbabwean government. They must be persuaded to allow a transitional process to go ahead without interference; this will obviously mean that they have to step down from office.
    WOZA leaders and members commit to working hand in hand with any political or civic leaders who will honour the wishes of the Zimbabwean people and deliver social justice. By our peaceful presence outside your embassy gates, we demonstrate to you that we will continue to exert nonviolent pressure for them to step down by exposing the injustices they have brought down on the heads of their citizens. Please help us to birth a new Zimbabwe where Zimbabweans can enjoy equality and live with dignity.
    We also attach our vision document, a resolution made after an eleven-month, nationwide consultation process. During 2006, over 284 meetings, consulting almost 10,000 rural and urban people on social justice were conducted.
    The people spoke clearly about what they want in a new Zimbabwe and their contributions are contained in the People's Charter attached below. We ask that you read it knowing that it contains the dreams and desires of a heartbroken nation.
    With respect,
    Members and supporters of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA).






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